Tuesday 30 August 2011

Reading Shakespeare on the Beach

Where I now live, a footpath runs atop the crumbling cliffs, down to a harbour called Charlestown. The bushes, tress and other undergrowth that line the way quite literally knit the path together. From beneath, on the beach, one may see the rock, how perilous and sheer it hollows, yet how solidly nature bears its upper lip.


It is here, upon a sunny morn, that I like to sit upon the empty pebble beach, listen to the waves and read Shakespeare.


The harbour shows little sign of activity. Were it not for shiny new holiday cars and well kept holiday lets, one would think the decay to signify two hundred years or more of idle neglect. Yet there sits there, currently at least, a tall ship. 


Over the way, across from the rusting relics of ancient industry, is an inn. Therebeyond the land snakes round to make a perfect bay, bearing paths which I am yet to explore, but as the cold sets in hence, I shall make it my Autumn endeavour.


The sea was perfectly flat today. No chops, no waves but gentle lappings at the pebbles and the harbour walls. Upon the cobs were fishermen, casting tackle in the crisp morning air, whilst a fishing boat quietly enjoyed the still freedom of the bay.


From all the turbulence I left behind, this felt like deliverance. The sun, the sea, the shakespeare by my side. I was free, nothing and no-one could possibly trouble me. Yet at points my mind did stray back, from a thing pleasant to contemplate to the one impossible to forget. I wished to share it with you; here it is.

Photographs by Ian O'Neal, 300811


Thursday 25 August 2011

Seeing Oneself in Someone Else's Words

Occasionally, even the most impenetrable of exteriors reveal their cracks, and when we peer through, we may glimpse a kind of fragility which we thought only to have resided in ourselves. One of my favourite tutors, John Roe, wrote a book called Shakespeare and Machiavelli, and in analysing Machiavelli's advice that a prince should not reach for the moral option when time permits no leisure to contemplate or reflect it, but rather do what is expedient, John has this to say:
It is difficult to resist the appeal of Machiavelli's argument at moments such as these: those of us who will never aspire to princely power still know what it is to be confronted with awkward choices, and find ourselves sometimes losing sight of the moral perspective because a moment of ethical blindness happens to be convenient. If only, we might say to ourselves, we could do this and get away with it - not just in the eyes of the world but also in our heart of hearts. (1)
Without reading too much into an admired tutor, I think it is fair to say that things weighed on John Roe's mind as he wrote these words. As a very majestic, outwardly gentle and unshowy man, it comes as some surprise to find a darker side must lurk beneath. That is what makes a man fascinating. It reminds me very much of something he once said in class, discussing Angelo in Measure for Measure:
We have all been there, haven't we? Where there's something you're thinking of doing and you say to yourself 'I want to do it...I shouldn't do it, and I know I shouldn't do it - but you know, I think I'm going to do it!' (2)
This approach is one of someone who responds to what he reads: rather than taking Machiavelli as pure theory, he allows the theory - the words - into his imagination, applying them to real life, and thereby bringing the ideas into life. What fascinates me is how we respond differently to different things. This idea of Machiavelli's clearly took life John Roe's imagination, but I have to confess it doesn't really take any in mine (though John's re-expression of it is certainly delicious).


That is not to say my imagination be barren, for it is not. I have found lately that something similar has happened to me, with Sir John Gielgud. It is so rare to find writing which makes one feel one really understands the thoughts and the feelings that have produced it, but that is exactly how I feel when I read what are the most intimate of all expressions: those he puts in a letter. This is to his lover, Paul Antsee on the 1st of August, 1959, London: 

Silly one - cruel one - you devestated me last night, and I couldn't sleep and you never rang even when you got home, dreading, I suppose, our usual fruitless arguments with the long empty pauses in between. Yes, of course, you know me only too well (but just not all that well as you think you do).
I shall always love you, but your sudden turns from sweetness to venom rather terrify me, though in a way I understand, being somewhat (and lamentably) senior. (3)
What strikes me is how the course of Gielgud's thoughts and feelings are so undisguised. He begins with anger, without making any accusations: Antsee has been cruel, but Gielgud only relates what Antsee's cruelty has done to hurt him, rather than trying to return any cruelty. Then he sounds the retreat, sharing in the blame for the awkward telephone calls, making Antsee's excuses for him. Then, he sounds an awkward peace, conceding that Antsee knows him well, yet denying him the full satisfaction of his own presumptions. The next line moves in much the same way, pointing the finger at Anstee's venom before retreating again, on account of his seniority. The tension is palpable, between the mix of self rebuke and hurt and anguish with tenderness, conciliation and love. How many of us have felt such a mix? Those of us who have will understand the conflict of feeling that lies behind each word.

Yet, I cannot pretend for a moment that I really understand what Gielgud was feeling as he wrote these words, just as John Roe has to concede in his response that he is not a man for whom such an idea was really intended. I have no idea what the fight was about, what kind of a man Antsee might have been or how the necessarily clandestine nature of gay relationships in the 1950s would have affected such a dynamic. Gielgud had been arrested and humiliated in 1953 for his sexuality, and never quite got over the shame of it: in how much fear, then, did such a couple exist? I cannot begin to guess. What I see in his words are not his feelings, but my own feelings grafted thereon, woven therein.

To be confessional for a moment, my little analysis above, though objective, is really how I feel when I feel a grievance: I want to say how much he has hurt me, yet I know the fault of it really to lie with me. Thus, Gielgud's words are not so much a portal into his soul, but a mirror for mine, someone else's words that I have found which perfectly capture something inside of me. 

That leaves me to wonder a moment. Most people who come across this letter will not really respond to it. That is for no reason other than that we all respond so very differently to certain things, and not at all to much else. By way of example, abstract painting leaves me absolutely cold but enthralls others. What is it, then, that I am actually responding to? Is it the feeling the words express, or the expression itself? If I found an abstract picture that expressed the same feeling, it would produce an entirely different one in me (I suspect one of disdain). Whatever the answer, as I began this piece by suggesting, sometimes one's reaction to something can be telling in ways one can never suspect. I wonder what John Roe would make of my response to his response? I suspect he would say that, though he is no prince and I am no 1950's closeted actor, we may still gain access to what lies behind the words. 

(1) John Roe, Shakespeare and Machiavelli (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2002), p. 16.
(2) In the same class, John showed amusing relish for the Duke's villainous gambit in the final scene, where he offers to kill Angelo on Isabella's command.
(3) Sir John Gielgud: A Life in Letters (New York: Arcade Publishing, 2005).

Wednesday 10 August 2011

Embattled Old Bill


This is a very tender image, quite literally of two comrades upon the eve of battle, 9th of August 2011. Judging by some of the recent commentary, all that our officers have are each other.

But what do we want fromn the Fuzz? The Guardian has views one may already guess at: that the Coalition is to blame, quoting youths and a youthworker voicing grievance over cuts to services and the behaviour of the police prior to the action:

They cut our youth project by 75%. We used to work with gangs, run a workshop that brought police and young people together. Gone. (1)

This is, of course, precisely what the Guardian wants to push: Government culpability. There are some voices from the street referring to 'cuts', 'Conserva'ives', and 'rich peepol' but nothing that makes a coherent agenda, for there is none. With the exception of Tottenham, these riots are not communities defending themselves, as with Brixton in 1981. Eager not to be seen to condone them as political activists, the Guardian also includes locals who state that penury is no excuse for violence, and that the looters are simply opportunists. However, men like me find it difficult to accept the agenda of a newspaper that expects us to 'understand' the rioters' problems whilst people's homes and livelihoods burn to the ground.

The Telegraph have their own views, which can be guessed at also, expressed it in vociferous headlines which include 'The Long Retreat of Order' and 'Multiculturalists Turned a Blind Eye to Gang Culture'. The following view makes a neat summary:  

The police, bludgeoned by criticism for the way they handled the Brixton riots 30 years ago and the Stephen Lawrence murder in 1994, have become more like social workers than upholders of law and order. (2)

One will immediately note that the examples Philip Johnstone, the writer, provides for us are from a time when the Met was 'institutionally racist' (official verdict). Those riots of 1981 were sparked in a penalised community when a black youth died in Police custody. The Lawrence investigation of 1994 was the biggest shambles in recent CID history, and no one doubted, then as now, that justice would have prevailed had Lawrence been white - I may have been young at the time, but I do remember. Thus, it seems that the Telegraph is chafing at an old gripe here, which men like me had hoped was long buried: why do they have a problem with the Police reaching out to communities? Not only is it effective, it also accords with the right's wistful nostalgia for the days when locals knew by name their local 'bobby on the beat'. As Nick Robinson reminds us, Hestletine berated the Tory right in 1982 for expecting minorities which the state neglected then to go and fight and die for it 8,000 miles due south. It seems the Telegraph never listened.

In amongst this, as Police officers are fighting to protect us, they do so against a backdrop of the right declaring they are just soft social workers and are failing the public (3); the left having damned them for years for being heavy handed and socially insensitive but now declaring they must do more to defend the public; public corruption scandals decapitating their leadership; and imposed redundancies and reviewed pay and conditions. Just now, they are political pawns as the right and the left manoeuvre to appropriate the riots to their own purposes.

I am heartened, however, that in the public at large the Police are not the targets. Though I do not agree with all the criticisms politicians face, I would rather see them face attacks for not doing enough to support the Police, than to see the brave and sometimes injured bobbies berated for doing what we demand of them. This image is especially heartening to me, not only as a former resident of Clapham, but also as a sign that the public know who not to blame.






3) The Daily Mail are espeically bad.

Tuesday 9 August 2011

Broken Britain

Jack Cade hath almost gotten London Bridge,
The citizens fly and forsake their houses,
The rascal people, thirsting after prey
Join with the traitor, and they jointly swear
To spoil the city...
Henry VI Part 2, IV.5.48-52.

[3rd Pleb] Your name sir, truly.
[Cinna] Truly, my name is Cinna.
[1st Pleb] Tear him to pieces! He's a conspirator.
[Cinna] I am Cinna the poet, I am Cinna the poet.
[4th Pleb] Tear him for his bad verses, Tear him for his bad verses.
[Cinna] I am not Cinna the conspirator.
[4th Pleb] It is no matter, his name's Cinna. Pluck but his name out of his heart, and turn him going.
[3rd Pleb] Tear him, tear him!
Julius Caesar, IV.1.25-34.

Among the riots, the arson, the theft and the violence of the 'protesters' came a vivid scene which, for the BBC newsroom especially, summed up the disturbing mind of the mob.

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-14456065

Daylight: with a rucksack on is back, a young man in Hackney was standing beside a pool of his own blood. He had a head injury, and needed assistance. A group of youths approached him and, at first, it appeared they would tend to his distress. Within a few moments, the camera revealed they were in fact going through the injured man's rucksack, ransacking him of his possessions. Thereafter, they stalked off and left him, bereft, injured and alone.

Injured men have become acceptable targets for looting.

Of the victims, I most mourn the people of Brixton. When I lived in Clapham I used to go through Brixton each day going to work. I saw how much effort has been put into regenerating an area which is proud, troubled and trying to put a difficult past behind it. They were getting there, only to have youths who have nothing to do with Brixton descend upon it like a flying squad and trash it all.